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Amerikan Amaçlarına Hizmet Eden Yeni Dünya Düzeni

Birinci Dünya Savaşının galibi İngiltere'dir. İngiliz devletini yöneten unsur kraliyet hanedanlığıdır. Bilindiği gibi İngilizler, Almanlar, Hollandalılar ve Fransızlar gibi Cermen milletinin bir mensubudurlar.
Birinci Dünya Savaşından sonra Dünyayı yöneten unsurun Birinci Dünya Savaşının galibi ve baş aktörü olan ülkenin olduğunu anlamamız gerekir.
İşte bu İngiltere devleti, kendisinin bir uzantısı olan Amerikan devleti ve Almanya devletindeki bazı aile şirketlerini, şeytani tarikatları ve hükümet nezdindeki önemli kişileri kullanarak(ve ayrıca onları büyütüp, ünlü yapıp, sahneye çıkartıp ve sonrasındada besleyip), Devlet+Mafya-Tarikat-Gladyo sistemini İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesinde ve sırasında kurmaya çalışmak istemiştir ve başarılı olmuştur.
Nasıl başarılı olmuştur ve bu Devlet+Mafya-Tarikat-Gladyo sisteminin içinde kimler var?
Devlet: İngiltere-Amerika.
Devleti Yöneten Hanedan(İngiliz/Cermen Milletine Hizmet Ediyor): Windsor(İngiliz Cermen Kökenli) ve Rothschild(Hazar Türk Kökenli) sülalelerinin karışımı
Mafya: Rockefeller-Rothschild-JP Morgan gibi sülale şirketleri
Tarikat: İlluminati, Mason, Bilderberg gibi şeytani tarikatlar
Gladyo: İngilizlerin kontrolünde olan Faşist İktidarlar: İngiliz Ajanı Kukla Hitler ve Kukla Nazi Devleti/Hükümeti, ve İngiliz Ajanı Kukla Stalin ve Lenin'in Sovyetler Birliği'nin Yıkımını Amaçlayan Yeni Sovyet Devleti/Hükümeti.
Bu konu hakkında ayrıntılı bilgileri bu forumdaki başlıklarda bulabilirsiniz.

Amerikan Amaçlarına Hizmet Eden Yeni Dünya Düzeni

Mesajgönderen TurkmenCopur » 05 May 2011, 20:54

NEW WORLD ORDER AS THE OBJECTIVE

Run your eye down the list of executive committee members: who is the most powerful individual among them?
There is no doubt that David Rockefeller dominates the executive committee, and thus the commission itself. Even if we are generous (or naive) and see the executive members as equals, then David would surely be primus inter pares. It is, however, naive to see David Rockefeller as an omnipotent dictator or the Rockefeller family as an all-powerful monarchy. This is a trap for the unwary. Our world is much more complex. We are looking at a family of families, a collective of power holders with at least several hundred, perhaps several thousand, members, who collectively aim to divert the world, not just the United States, to their own collective objectives.

Let's start at the beginning. The Trilateral Commission was David Rockefeller's idea and promoted with David's funds. (Leave aside for the time being the U.S. Labor party theory that Trilateralism uses the Rockefellers as a "cover" for a "British conspiracy.")
An interview with George S. Franklin, former commission coordinator, by Michael Lloyd Chadwick, editor of The Freemen Digest, published in Provo, Utah, is the most authentic version of the founding process which has yet surfaced.

This portion of the interview follows:

MR. CHADWICK:

Mr. Franklin, you were a participant with Mr. David Rockefeller, Robert Bowie, Zbigniew Brzezinski and Henry Owen in forming the Trilateral Commission. Would you provide us with a brief history of how it came into existence?

MR. FRANKLIN:

David Rockefeller, in the winter and spring of 1972, gave several speeches to the Chase Bank forums in London, Brussels, Montreal and Paris. He recommended the establishment of an international commission on peace and prosperity which in fact is now the Trilateral Commission. He didn't receive an enthusiastic response in these meetings and he dropped the idea. He thought, "If the Chase Bank Forums don 't respond favorably to my suggestion then it's probably a lousy idea."

He then went to a Bilderberger meeting. Mike Blumen-thal was there (now Treasury Secretary), and he said, "You know, I'm very disturbed. . . Cooperation between these three areas — Japan, the United States and Western Europe — is really falling apart, and I foresee all sorts of disaster for the world if this continues. Isn't there anything to be done about it? "David then thought, "I'll present the idea once more," which he did, and he aroused great enthusiasm. The next eight speakers said that this was a marvelous idea; by all means, somebody get it launched
David wasn't quite sure whether these were all his friends. He wasn't quite sure if they were being polite or if they really thought it was a good idea. So he took Zbig Brezinski back on the plane with him. Zbig thought it was a very good idea and had done some writing on it. Bob Bowie had done some writing on it too. When he got back, David asked me if I would go back to Europe and talk to some people more at leisure and see if they really thought this was a good idea They truly did David and I went to Japan in June of 1972 and he talked to a lot of people there. They thought it was a good idea, so we had a meeting of 13-15 people at his place in Tarrytown (ed: New York).

It was decided to go ahead and try to organize and form it. There is no reason to doubt that formation came about in any other way — at least we have no evidence that Franklin is hiding anything. But note that the way the Trilateral Commission was founded suggests a loose power coalition, sometimes in competition, sometimes in cooperation, rather than a small, tight, iron-fisted conspiracy run by the Rockefellers.
But even the establishment Washington Post has found unsettling features about the Trilateral Commission in its current seemingly non-interested packaging.
Consequently it is not surprising that Trilateral objectives are not shouted from the rooftops but inferred from policy statements, papers and positions as well as the personal philosophies of those chosen as members of the Commission.

Here's the Washington Post observation:

Trilateralists are not three-sided people. They are members of a private, though not secret, international organization put together by the wealthy banker, David Rockefeller, to stimulate the establishment dialogue between Western Europe, Japan and the United States.

But here is the unsettling thing about the Trilateral Commission. The President-elect is a member. So is Vice-President-elect Walter F. Mondale. So are the new Secretaries of State, Defense and Treasury, Cyrus R. Vance, Harold Brown and W. Michael Blumenthal. So is Zbigniew Brzezinski, who is a former Trilateral director and, Carter's national security adviser, also a bunch of others who will make foreign policy for America in the next four years.
No doubt this Washington Post observation was brought to the attention of David Rockefeller because by the 1990s the publisher of the Washington Post, Katherine Graham (Chairman of the Board of Washington Post Companies) had been appointed to the Trilateral Commission!

Even though Trilateral control has continued, the Washington Post has made no more remarks about "unsettling things."
This was the White House composition in the early 70s. It remains the same today, in 1994, a heavily Trilateral membership.
President Bill Clinton is a Trilateral as was President Jimmy Carter. Secretary of State Warren Christopher is an original member of the Trilateral Commission. So are 22 other members of the Clinton Cabinet and sub-cabinet Administration.
The personal philosophies of Carter appointees are similar to that of Clinton. . . they all adhere more or less to a global New World Order. Where, for example, President Truman was non-imperialist, these are imperialist Presidents. From speeches and letters written by Trilateralists we know their New World Order position.

When the Trilateral Commission met in Tokyo, Japan, in January 1977. Carter and Brzezinski obviously could not attend as they were still in the process of reorganizing the White House.

They did, however, address personal letters to the meeting, which were reprinted in Trialogue:

It gives me special pleasure to send greetings to all of you gathering for the Trilateral Commission meeting in Tokyo. I have warm memories of our meeting in Tokyo some eighteen months ago, and am sorry I cannot be with you now.
My active service on the Commission since its inception in 1973 has been a splendid experience for me, and it provided me with excellent opportunities to come to know leaders in our three regions.

As I emphasized in my campaign, a strong partnership among us is of the greatest importance. We share economic, political and security concerns that make it logical we should seek ever-increasing cooperation and understanding. And this cooperation is essential not only for our three regions, but in the global search for a more just and equitable world order (emphasis added). I hope to see you on the occasion of your next meeting in Washington, and I look forward to receiving reports on your work in Tokyo."

Jimmy Carter

Brzezinski's letter, written in a similar vein, follows:


The Trilateral Commission has meant a great deal to me over the last few years. It has been the stimulus for intellectual creativity and a source of personal satisfaction. I have formed close ties with new friends and colleagues in all three regions, ties which I value highly and which I am sure will continue.
I remain convinced that, on the larger architectural issues of today, collaboration among our regions is of the utmost necessity. This collaboration must be dedicated to the fashioning of a more just and equitable world order (emphasis added). This will require a prolonged process, but I think we can look forward with confidence and take some pride in the contribution which the Commission is making.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

The key phrase in both letters is "a more just and equitable world order."
Does this emphasis indicate that something is wrong with our present world order, that is, with national structures? Yes, according to Brzezinski; and since the present "framework" is inadequate to handle world problems, it must be done away with and supplanted with a world government.

In Brzezinski's Technetronic Era, the "nation state as a fundamental unit of man's organized life has ceased to be the principal creative force:

International banks and multinational corporations are acting and planning in terms that are far in advance of the political concepts of the nation-state."
Understanding the philosophy of and monitoring the Trilateral commission is the only way we can reconcile the myriad of apparent contradictions in the information filtered through to us in the national press. For instance, how is it that the Marxist regime in Angola derived the great bulk of its foreign exchange from the offshore oil operations of Gulf Oil Corporation? Why did Andrew Young insist that "Communism has never been a threat to Blacks in Africa"? Why did the U.S. funnel billions in technological aid to the Soviet Union and Communist China? Why does the U.S. apparently help its enemies while chastising its friends?

These questions, and hundreds of others like them, cannot be explained in any other way:

the U.S. Executive Branch (and related agencies) is not anti-Marxist or anti-Communist — it is, in fact, pro-Marxist. Those ideals which led to the abuses of Hitler, Lenin, Stalin, and Mussolini are now being accepted as necessary inevitabilities by our elected and appointed leaders.

This hardly suggests the Great American Dream. It is very doubtful that Americans would agree with Brzezinski or the Trilateral Commission. It is the American public who is paying the price, suffering the consequences, but not understanding the true nature of the situation.
One of the most important "frameworks" in the world, and especially to Americans, is the United States Constitution. It is this document that outlined the most prosperous nation in the history of the world. Is our sovereignty really "fiction"? Is the U.S. vision no longer compatible with reality?

Brzezinski further states:

The approaching two-hundredth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence could justify the call for a national constitutional convention to re-examine the nation's formal institutional framework. Either 1976 or 1989 — the two-hundredth anniversary of the Constitution — could serve as a suitable target date culminating a national dialogue on the relevance of existing arrangements. . . .Realism, however, forces us to recognize that the necessary political innovation will not come from direct constitutional reform, desirable as that would be. The needed change is more likely to develop incrementally and less overtly. . . in keeping with the American tradition of blurring distinctions between public and private institution.

Obviously Brzezinski, and global capitalists have no use for national sovereignty or the Constitution. Their interests are global — and much as they may protest we see no difference between Trilateral globalism and, for example, British and French imperialism of the 19th Century. Or the Holy Roman Empire for that matter.

But this New World Order objective would not pass an electorate. Outside the globalists, the New World Order fanatics, we doubt that many in the United States are interested in a planned world economy under the dominance of Wall Street.
In conclusion, the Trilateral Commission when pressed makes no secret of its unrepresentative nature nor its New World Order objectives.

Back in 1978 in the previously cited radio interview with George Franklin Jr., then Executive Director of the Trilateral Commission, these objectives emerged under questioning from the author:

SUTTON: Mr. Donovan, of Time-Life, has just been appointed Special Assistant to President Carter. Mr. Donovan is a member of your Commission. FRANKLIN: That is correct.

SUTTON: Does this not emphasize the fact that the Carter Administration is choosing its administration from an extremely narrow range. In other words, the Trilateral Commission?

FRANKLIN: I do not think that that needs any confirmation. That is a matter of fact that he has chosen most of his main foreign policy people, I would have to say, from the people he got to know while he was on the Trilateral Commission.

SUTTON: Well, I can only make the statement that this leaves any reasonable man with the impression that the Carter Administration is dominated by the Trilateral Commission with your specific ideas which many people do not agree with.

FRANKLIN: Well, I would certainly agree that people who were members of the Commission have predominant places in the foreign policy aspects of the Carter Administration. They are not, because they are members of the Commission, controlled in any sense by us. I do think that they do share a common belief that is very important that we work particularly with Europe and Japan or we are all going to be in trouble.

SUTTON: But this common belief may not reflect the beliefs of the American people. How do you know that it does?

FRANKLIN: I do not know that it does. I am no man to interpret what the people think about.

SUTTON: In other words, you are quite willing to go ahead (and) establish a Commission which you say does not necessarily reflect the views of the poeple in the United States? It appears to me that you have taken over political power.

FRANKLIN: I do not think this is true at all. Anybody who forms a group for certain purposes obviously tries to achieve these purposes. We do believe that it is important that Europe, Japan, and the United States get along together. That much we do believe. We also chose the best people we could get as members of the Commission. Fortunately, nearly all accepted The President was one of them and he happened to have thought that these were very able people indeed, and he asked them to be in his government, it is as simple as that. If you are going to ask me iflam very unhappy about that, the answer is no. I think that these are good people.

The reader can make his or her own interpretation. We hold the view today in 1994 that we held in 1973 and 1978 (the date of the radio program) — that the Trilateral Commission is not representative of the United States, has clearly by its actions demonstrated that it is a group intent on manipulating power for personal advantage and that these actions or objectives are not those of American citizens — and the Trilateral Commission has no intention of putting the matter to a vote. Quod etat demonstrandum.

Kaynakça
Kitap: Trilaterals over America (1995)
Yazar: Antony C Sutton
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