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Skulls and Bones Bildirisi: Yeni Mantık - Angola And China

Birinci Dünya Savaşının galibi İngiltere'dir. İngiliz devletini yöneten unsur kraliyet hanedanlığıdır. Bilindiği gibi İngilizler, Almanlar, Hollandalılar ve Fransızlar gibi Cermen milletinin bir mensubudurlar.
Birinci Dünya Savaşından sonra Dünyayı yöneten unsurun Birinci Dünya Savaşının galibi ve baş aktörü olan ülkenin olduğunu anlamamız gerekir.
İşte bu İngiltere devleti, kendisinin bir uzantısı olan Amerikan devleti ve Almanya devletindeki bazı aile şirketlerini, şeytani tarikatları ve hükümet nezdindeki önemli kişileri kullanarak(ve ayrıca onları büyütüp, ünlü yapıp, sahneye çıkartıp ve sonrasındada besleyip), Devlet+Mafya-Tarikat-Gladyo sistemini İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesinde ve sırasında kurmaya çalışmak istemiştir ve başarılı olmuştur.
Nasıl başarılı olmuştur ve bu Devlet+Mafya-Tarikat-Gladyo sisteminin içinde kimler var?
Devlet: İngiltere-Amerika.
Devleti Yöneten Hanedan(İngiliz/Cermen Milletine Hizmet Ediyor): Windsor(İngiliz Cermen Kökenli) ve Rothschild(Hazar Türk Kökenli) sülalelerinin karışımı
Mafya: Rockefeller-Rothschild-JP Morgan gibi sülale şirketleri
Tarikat: İlluminati, Mason, Bilderberg gibi şeytani tarikatlar
Gladyo: İngilizlerin kontrolünde olan Faşist İktidarlar: İngiliz Ajanı Kukla Hitler ve Kukla Nazi Devleti/Hükümeti, ve İngiliz Ajanı Kukla Stalin ve Lenin'in Sovyetler Birliği'nin Yıkımını Amaçlayan Yeni Sovyet Devleti/Hükümeti.
Bu konu hakkında ayrıntılı bilgileri bu forumdaki başlıklarda bulabilirsiniz.

Skulls and Bones Bildirisi: Yeni Mantık - Angola And China

Mesajgönderen TurkmenCopur » 05 May 2011, 02:44

Memorandum Number Five: The New Dialectic - Angola And China


World War II was the culmination of the dialectic process created in the 1920s and 1930s. The clash between "left" and "right," i.e., the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, led to creation of a synthesis - notably the United Nations, and a start towards regional groupings in the Common Market, COMECON, NATO, UNESCO, Warsaw Pact, SEATO, CENTO, and then the Trilateral Commission. A start towards New World Order.

World War II left The Order with the necessity to create a new dialectical situation to promote more conflict to achieve a higher level synthesis.
The source of the current process may be found in National Security Memorandum No. 68 of 1950, with its extraordinary omissions (analyzed in The Phoenix Letter, January 1984). NSC 68 opened up the road for Western technology to build a more advanced Soviet Union - which it did in the 1960s and 1970s with computerized space-age technology. At the same time NSC 68 presented the argument for massive expansion of U.S. defenses - on the grounds of a future Soviet threat. The omission in NSC 68 was quite elementary, i.e., that the Soviets could not progress without Western technology. NSC 68 allowed that technology transfer to go on. In other words, by allowing Western firms to expand the Soviet Union, NSC-68 also pari passu created the argument for a U.S. defense budget. We identified in our 'Phoenix Letter article the link between NSC-68 and The Order.

Unfortunately for The Order, but not surprisingly, given their limited perception of the world, the dialectic plan based on NSC-68 misfired. The principal devices used to control the dialectic process in the past two decades have been (a) information, (b) debt and (c) technology. These have become diluted over time. They just don't work as well today as they did in the 1950s.

By and large, control of information has been successful. The intellectual world is still locked into a phony verbal battle between "left" and "right," whereas the real struggle is the battle between individual freedom and the encroaching power of the absolute State. The Soviet Union, with its tight censorship, presents a strictly Marxist (i.e., "left") orientation to its citizens. The enemy is always the "fascist" United States. The West is a little more complicated but not much more so. Quigley's argument in Tragedy And Hope, that J.P. Morgan used financial power to control politics, has been extended to The Order's control of information. In the West the choice is basically between a controlled "left-oriented" information and a controlled "right-oriented" information. l The conflict between the two controlled groups keeps an apparent informational conflict alive. Unwelcome facts that fall into neither camp are conveniently forgotten. Books that fall into neither camp can be effectively neutralized because they will incur the wrath of both "right" and "left".

In brief, any publication which points up the fallacy of the Left-Right dichotomy is ignored ... and citizens keep trooping down to the polling booths in the belief they have a "choice".

The second control mechanism is debt. If Marxist countries have to import technology, they need to earn or borrow Western currencies to pay for it. Loans have to be repaid. So to some extent, debtors are under control of creditors, unless they default. Default is the weakness
The third control mechanism is technology. If technology to advance to more efficient production levels has to be imported, then the recipient is always kept away from the "state of the art". The weakness for The Order is that military technology does not require a market system.

The dialectic plan therefore misfired for several reasons. Firstly, the informational blackout has not been as successful as The Order expected. We shall describe later how control of Time and Newsweek gave The Order dominance over weekly news summaries. The TV networks have been able to orchestrate viewer reactions - to some extent For example, the three ABC blockbusters in 1983 were The Day After. Thornbirds, and Winds Of War, all with a common propaganda theme But The Order was unable to restrict individuals and relatively small non-academic groups, almost always outside Universities, from exploring obvious inconsistencies in establishment propaganda. These groups often mistakenly termed "left" or "right" are outside the generally manipulated left-right spectrum.
Secondly, the debt weapon was over-used. Communist countries are now saturated with debt to Western bankers.
Thirdly, while technology is still a useful weapon, there are distinct stirrings among independent analysts of the danger posed for the Western world by building enemies.

Consequently, in today's world we can identify two facts in construction of a new dialectic. First, cautious reinforcement of the Marxian arm (the thesis presented in Memorandum Three), i.e., Marxist Angola gets a green light, but a Marxist Grenada got a red light.

Second, the construction of a completely new arm, that of Communist China, itself Marxist, but with conflict potential for the Soviet Union. Major efforts by The Order are in progress, only partly revealed in the press, to create a new superpower in a conflict mode with the Soviet Union. This is the new antithesis, replacing Nazi Germany.


Angola, a former Portuguese province on the southwest coast of Africa, is a contemporary example of continued, but more cautious, creation of the Marxist arm of the dialectic process.

The official establishment view of Angola is that Angola was a Portuguese colony and oppressive Portuguese rule led to an independence movement in which the Marxists won out over "democratic" forces.

This view cannot be supported. If the Portuguese were colonists in Angola, then so are the Boston Brahmins in Massachusetts. Luanda, the chief town in Angola, was settled by the Portuguese in 1575 - that's half a century before the Pilgrims landed in Massachusetts. The indigenous population of Angola in 1575 was less than the Indian population of Massachusetts. Over three centuries the Portuguese treated Angola more as a province than as a colony, in contrast to British, French and Belgian colonial rule in Africa. So if Angola belonged to non-existent indigenous natives, then so does Massachusetts logically belong to American Indians.

In the early 1960s the United States was actively aiding the Marxist cause in Angola. This is clear from former Secretary of State Dean Acheson.

The following extracts are from a memorandum recording a conversation between Dean Acheson (Scroll & Key), McGeorge Bundy The Order '40), and President Kennedy dated April 2, 1962:

"He [Kennedy] then turned to the negotiations with Portugal over the Azores base. He said that not much seemed to be happening and that he would be grateful to have me take the matter over and see if something could be done.

I asked him for permission to talk about the situation for a few minutes and said about the following:

"The Portuguese were deeply offended at what they believed was the desertion of them by the United States, if not the actual alignment of the United States with their enemies. The problem, it seemed to me, lay not so much in negotiations with the Portuguese as in the determination of United States policy. The battle would be in Washington, rather than in Lisbon."

Then Dean Acheson comments on a topic apparently already known -D President Kennedy, that the United States was supporting the revolutionary -nary movements in Angola:

"The President then asked me why I was so sure that there was no room for negotiations under the present conditions. I said that, as he perhaps knew, we had in fact been subsidizing Portugal's enemies; and that they strongly suspected this, although they could not prove it. He said that the purpose of this was to try to keep the Angolan nationalist movement out of the hands of the communist Ghanians, etc., and keep it in the most moderate hands possible. I said that I quite understood this, but that it did not make what the Portuguese suspected any more palatable to them. We were also engaged in smuggling Angolese out of Angola and educating them in Lincoln College outside o* Philadelphia in the most extreme nationalist views. Furthermore the head of this college had secretly and illegally entered Angola and on his return had engaged in violent anti-Portuguese propaganda. We voted in the United Nations for resolutions "condemning"

Portugal for maintaining order in territory unquestionably under Portuguese sovereignty. I pointed out that the Portuguese were a proud people, especially sensitive because they had declined to such an impotent position after such a glorious history. They would rather proceed to the ruin of their empire in a dignified way, as they had in Goa, than be bought or wheedled into cooperating in their own destruction."

There is an extremely important, although seemingly minor, point in President Kennedy's comments. Kennedy apparently believed the U.S. was financing Nationalists, not Marxists, whereas the U.S. was actually aiding Marxists, as it was later to do in South Africa, following a pattern going back to the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. There is a point well worth following up in the Kennedy files, i.e., just how much Kennedy knew about CIA and State Department operations, where The Order was in control.

The Marxists under Neto's MPLA obtained control of Angola. The Order with powerful allies among multinational corporations has exerted pressure on successive Administrations to keep Angola as a Cuban-Soviet base in Southern Africa.

Back in 1975 the U.S. in conjunction with South Africa did indeed make a military drive into Angola. At a crucial point, when South African forces could have reached Launda, the United States called off assistance. South Africa had no choice but to retreat. South Africa learned the hard way that the U.S. is only nominally anti-Marxist. In practice the U.S. did to South Africa what it had done many times before - the elite betrayed its anti-Marxist allies.

By the early 1980s The Order's multinational friends came out of the woodwork while carefully coordinating public actions with Vice President Bush (The Order 1948). For example, in March 27, 1981 The Wall Street Journal ran a revealing article, including some nuggets of reality mingled with the Establishment line.

This front page article viewed U.S. multinational support for the Angolan Marxists under the headline "Friendly Foe: companies urge U.S. to stay out of Angola, decline aid to rebels" (these rebels being anti-Marxist Savimbi's UNITA forces aided by South Africa).

The leader of the pro-Marxist corporate forces in the U.S. is Melvin J. Hill, President of Gulf Oil Exploration & Production Company, a unit of Gulf Oil which operates Gulf Cabinda. This is a refinery complex in Angola, protected from Savimbi's pro-Western rebels by Cubans and Angolan Marxist troops. Hill told the WSJ "Angola is a knowledgeable, understanding and reliable business partner." Hill not only appeared before Congress with this pro-Marxist line, but met at least several times with then Vice President Bush.
PWJ Wood of Cities Service added more to the Gulf Oil mythology.

Said Wood:

"The Angolans are more and more development oriented. They aren't interested in politicizing central Africa on behalf of Cubans or the' Soviet Union. Our people aren't persona non grata in Angola."

Hill and Wood, of course, are no more than public relations agents for Marxist Angola, although we understand they have not registered as foreign agents with the U.S. Department of Justice. Angola is very much a Cuban-Soviet base for the take-over of Southern Africa, yet 17 western oil companies and other firms are in Angola. They include Gulf, Texaco, Petrofina, Mobil, Cities Service, Marathon Oil and Union Texas Petroleum. Other firms include Allied Chemical, Boeing Aircraft, General Electric - and Bechtel Corporation. It should be remembered that both Secretary of State Schultz and Secretary of Defense Weinberger are on loan from Bechtel Corporation.

Gulf Oil Corporation is controlled by the Mellon interests. The largest single shareholder of the outstanding shares. The Mellon Bank is represented on the Board of Gulf Oil by James Higgins, a Yale graduate but not, so far as we can determine, a member of The Order. The next largest shareholder is the Mellon Family comprising the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Richard King Foundation, and the Sarah Scaife Foundation. This group, which thinks of itself as "conservative," holds about 7 percent of the outstanding shares. Morgan Guaranty Trust (a name we have encountered before) holds 1.8 million shares or about 1 percent of the outstanding shares.

To a great extent these corporations with Angolan interests have themselves out on a limb. It is surprising, for example, that South Africa has not moved to take counter action against Angolan based firms, especially General Electric, Boeing, Morgan Guaranty Trust, Gulf Oil and Cities Service. After all, the South Africans are directly losing men ~Dm the massive support given to the Angolan Marxists by these firms.

It would be cheaper in South African lives to direct retaliatory action against the corporations rather than against Cubans and Angolans. After U.S. betrayal of South Africa in 1975, when South African forces could have reached Luanda, it is a tribute to South Africa's caution that it has not used this rather obvious counter weapon. After all, a South African surgical strike on Cabinda would neatly remove the Angolans' largest single source of foreign exchange, and give multinational Marxists a little food for thought. We are not, of course, recommending any such action, but it does remain an option open to South Africa. And the possible U.S. reaction? Well the State Department and CIA had best be ready with an explanation for the U.S. Embassy plane caught photographing South African military installations! We cite the above only to demonstrate the dangerous nature of The Order's conflict management scenarios.


Just as we found the Bush family involved with the early development of the Soviet Union, then with financing the Nazis, and vaguely behind the scenes in Angola, so we find a Bush active in construction of the new dialectic arm: Communist China.

In 1971 Mr. Nixon appointed George "Poppy" Bush (The Order 1948) as U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, irrespective of the fact that Bush had no previous experience in diplomacy. As chief U.S. delegate, Bush had responsibility for defense against the Communist Chinese attack on the Republic of China, an original free enterprise member of the United Nations.

With the vast power of the United States at his disposal, Bush failed miserably:

the Republic was expelled from United Nations and Communist China took its seat. Shortly after that fiasco, Bush left United Nations to take over as Chairman of the Republican National Committee.

This is not the place to tell the whole story of American involvement in China. It began with Wall Street intervention into the Sun Yat Sen revolution of 1911 - a story not yet publicly recorded.
During World War II the United States helped the Chinese Communists into power.

As one Chinese authority, Chin-tung Liang, has written about General Joseph W. Stilwell, the key U.S. representative in China from 1942 to 1944:

"From the viewpoint of the struggle against Communism . . . [Stilwell] did a great disservice to China."'

Yet Stilwell only reflected orders from Washington, from General George C. Marshall. And as Admiral Cooke stated to Congress, ". . . in 1946 General Marshall used the tactics of stoppage of ammunition to invisibly disarm the Chinese forces.

But when we get to General Marshall we need to remember that in the U.S. the civilian branch has final authority in matters military and that gets us to then Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson, Marshall's superior and a member of The Order (1888). By an amazing coincidence, Stimson was also Secretary of War in 1911 - at the time of the Sun Yat Sen revolution.

The story of the betrayal of China and the role of The Order will have to await yet another volume. At this time we want only to record the decision to build Communist China as a new arm of the dialectic - a ,decision made under President Richard Nixon and placed into operation by Henry Kissinger (Chase Manhattan Bank) and George "Poppy" Bush (The Order).

As we go to press (early 1984) Bechtel Corporation has established a new company, Bechtel China, Inc., to handle development, engineering and construction contracts for the Chinese government. The new ?resident of Bechtel China, Inc. is Sydney B. Ford, formerly marketing manager of Bechtel Civil & Minerals, Inc. Currently Bechtel is working on studies for the China National Coal Development Corporation and he China National Offshore Oil Corporation - both, of course, Chinese Communist organizations.

It appears that Bechtel is now to play a similar role to that of Detroit based Albert Kahn, Inc., the firm that in 1928 undertook initial studies and planning for the First Five Year Plan in the Soviet Union.

By about the year 2000 Communist China will be a "superpower" built by American technology and skill. It is presumably the intention of The Order to place this power in a conflict mode with the Soviet Union.

There is no doubt Bechtel will do its job. Former CIA Director Richard Helms works for Bechtel, so did Secretary of State George 5hultz and Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger. That's a powerful, influential combination, if any Washington planner concerned with national Security gets out of line sufficiently to protest.

Yet, The Order has probably again miscalculated. What will be Moscow's reaction to this dialectic challenge? Even without traditional Russian paranoia they can be excused for feeling more than a little uneasy. And who is to say that the Chinese Communists will not make their peace with Moscow after 2000 and join forces to eliminate the super-super-power - the United States?

Kitap: Americas Secret Establishment An Introduction to the Order of Skull & Bones
Yazar: Antony C Sutton
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