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Milletler Cemiyeti: Bir Dünya Devleti Kurmayı Denemek

Birinci Dünya Savaşının galibi İngiltere'dir. İngiliz devletini yöneten unsur kraliyet hanedanlığıdır. Bilindiği gibi İngilizler, Almanlar, Hollandalılar ve Fransızlar gibi Cermen milletinin bir mensubudurlar.
Birinci Dünya Savaşından sonra Dünyayı yöneten unsurun Birinci Dünya Savaşının galibi ve baş aktörü olan ülkenin olduğunu anlamamız gerekir.
İşte bu İngiltere devleti, kendisinin bir uzantısı olan Amerikan devleti ve Almanya devletindeki bazı aile şirketlerini, şeytani tarikatları ve hükümet nezdindeki önemli kişileri kullanarak(ve ayrıca onları büyütüp, ünlü yapıp, sahneye çıkartıp ve sonrasındada besleyip), Devlet+Mafya-Tarikat-Gladyo sistemini İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesinde ve sırasında kurmaya çalışmak istemiştir ve başarılı olmuştur.
Nasıl başarılı olmuştur ve bu Devlet+Mafya-Tarikat-Gladyo sisteminin içinde kimler var?
Devlet: İngiltere-Amerika.
Devleti Yöneten Hanedan(İngiliz/Cermen Milletine Hizmet Ediyor): Windsor(İngiliz Cermen Kökenli) ve Rothschild(Hazar Türk Kökenli) sülalelerinin karışımı
Mafya: Rockefeller-Rothschild-JP Morgan gibi sülale şirketleri
Tarikat: İlluminati, Mason, Bilderberg gibi şeytani tarikatlar
Gladyo: İngilizlerin kontrolünde olan Faşist İktidarlar: İngiliz Ajanı Kukla Hitler ve Kukla Nazi Devleti/Hükümeti, ve İngiliz Ajanı Kukla Stalin ve Lenin'in Sovyetler Birliği'nin Yıkımını Amaçlayan Yeni Sovyet Devleti/Hükümeti.
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Milletler Cemiyeti: Bir Dünya Devleti Kurmayı Denemek

Mesajgönderen TurkmenCopur » 04 May 2011, 19:20


One of the most astonishing aspects of The League of Nations was the great push to get it accepted by the United States, and the extraordinary lengths and efforts made for this purpose. Wilson demanded ratification of the treaty, as it stood, no discussion, no changes, and no modifications.
The American people, having been assessed by Rothschild agents in America as sufficiently ready to accept anything it was expected to accept secret agreements reached behind closed doors in 1915. This is what the Rothschilds were accustomed to seeing happen. It was always a case of "our will be done" or else expect plenty of trouble.

On September 22, 1919, Professor I. Shotwell, an American Fabianist, demanded that the Senate ratify the treaty without delay, and Charles McParland, General Secretary of the World Council of Churches seconded his plea!
I mention this to illustrate, just how well entrenched International Socialism was in the United States.
Zionism was the key leader, even then.

Regarding the Zionist movement in America, there is an interesting account of it in History of Zionism by Walter Laqueur:

Only in 1917 did the Zionist organization in America come into being. . . But despite the events in Eastern Europe . . . the impact of the movement was hardly noticed in American life. Europe, after all, was far away and the situation of American Jewry and its prospects gave no cause for concern. The movement was basically 'East Side' in character. It lacked money, prestige and political influence. Its leaders, on the other hand, were assimilated Jews such as Rabbi Stephen Wise. . . The breakthrough came during the early years of the war in Europe, when Brandeis became its leader. Brandeis was one of the most respected American lawyers, later a Justice of the Supreme Court. He was won over by Jacob de Haas, a British Zionist and close associate of Herzl, who had settled in America in 1901.

Brandeis, in the words of other Zionist leaders was unrelated to any form of Jewish life, unread in its literature and unfamiliar with its traditions; he had to rediscover the Jewish people. But once his imagination had been captured by the Zionist ideal, he devoted much of his time and energy to the movement, whose president he was from 1914 until his appointment to the Supreme Court. It was the identification of Louis Brandeis with the movement, more than any other single event, which made Zionism a political force. To be a Zionist had suddenly become respectable. (Pages 160,161)

There are some very important statements in this extract from Laqueur's book.

1. Zionism was not the concern of the vast majority of American Jews.
2. The vast majority of American Jews were not much concerned with the war in Europe.
3. Brandeis was not a religious Jew in any sense of the accepted meaning of a "religious" Jew.
4. The Zionist movement before Brandeis joined it was basically a Socialist movement of East side Bolshevik non-religious Jews, the very same ones whom Trotsky recruited for his mission to overturn Christian Russia, in other words, Zionist Jews.
5. The majority of American Jews were not interested in migrating to Israel until Brandeis got their attention. Apparently they did not regard Palestine as a "homeland," at least not in the political sense of a Zionist State, because their religion taught that there could be no Jewish State until the return of the Messiah.

In fairness and wishing no harm to the Jews, and to be strictly objective, I researched thousands of pages of Brandeis history, but could find no evidence that he rediscovered his Jewish religion. I could find no evidence that Brandeis became a religious Jew. What was discovered was that De Haas had converted Brandeis to active Zionism, which is a political, and not a religious movement, in which political movement Brandeis became more of a convert than St. Paul was to Christianity. Brandeis went on to become the provisional president of the World Federation of Zionists, in itself a purely political non-religious body of non-religious Jews.

Perhaps the best-known historic event in which the Rothschilds participated at all stages was the so-called "Balfour Declaration," which is generally accepted as the beginning of the State of Israel in the land of Palestine, which the Zionists had been working to achieve for the past hundred years. But by 1914 they had not made progress toward their goal, at least none worthy of mention. Zionism was no nearer to its often-stated goal of a Jewish State in Palestine than Herzl had been in 1897. According to the Congressional Records and papers in the British Museum, plus the War Memoirs of Robert Lansing, the American ambassador to London, and the writing of Ramsey McDonald, the First World War provided a golden opportunity for the furthering of the Herzl dream of a Zionist state in Palestine. Lansing pushed for America to enter WWI in 1915 and in pressuring Wilson, House, acting for the Rothschilds, joined him. Pressures on Wilson were enormous and the United States entered the war in Europe against the wishes of 87 percent of the American people.

The impression has always been given by establishment historians that a vast majority of Jews favored the establishment of a "Homeland for the Jews" in Palestine. Through a good deal of research I found this to be much of an exercise in propaganda. Actually, in Russia and Britain, there was not inconsiderable opposition to the idea from religious Jews who believed no such homeland could be established until after the return of their Messiah.

To blunt the attitude of religious Jews, Weisman made a speech in London on May 20, 1917 in which he asserted, that he knew that the British government was prepared to support Zionist plans for Palestine.

Of course he was not officially entitled to make such a claim, but no doubt knowing that the power and prestige of Lord Rothschild would more than likely carry the day, he did so, anyway. The anti-Zionist religious Jewish opposition under the direction of Claude Montefiore of the famous Montefiore Jewish dynasty was extremely upset, especially as Weizman had referred to religious Jews as "a small minority."

According to A History of Zionism, a letter, signed by Montefiore and David Alexander, the presidents of the British Board of Deputies was sent to the London Times newspaper, which was published on May 24, 1917, under the heading Palestine and Zionism, Views of Anglo-Jewry:

They reiterated their protest against the Zionist theory of a homeless nationality, which if generally accepted, would have the effect everywhere of stamping Jews as an anachronism; religion was the only certain criterion. The signatories also said that it would be a calamity if Jewish settlers in Palestine were to get special rights in the way of political privileges or economic preference. This was a contradiction to the principle of equal rights for all. It would compromise the Jews wherever they had secured equal rights and would involve Palestinian Jews in the bitterest feuds with their neighbors of other races. (Pages 193, 194)

The wisdom and foresight of the religious non-Zionist Jews views is mirrored in the tragic events that overtook Palestine, which remains in a turmoil to this very day. Years later their views were echoed by a religious Jewish organization, Friends of Jerusalem (Naturei Karta). In a series of 12 full-page advertisements in the New York Times, they decried the State of Israel as an illegitimate state, established in total flagrant disobedience to religious Jews and the Torah and a calamity for Orthodox Jews.

Kitap: The Rothschild Dynasty
Yazar: John Coleman
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