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Nathan Rothschild Fransız Borçları Ödüyor

Birinci Dünya Savaşının galibi İngiltere'dir. İngiliz devletini yöneten unsur kraliyet hanedanlığıdır. Bilindiği gibi İngilizler, Almanlar, Hollandalılar ve Fransızlar gibi Cermen milletinin bir mensubudurlar.
Birinci Dünya Savaşından sonra Dünyayı yöneten unsurun Birinci Dünya Savaşının galibi ve baş aktörü olan ülkenin olduğunu anlamamız gerekir.
İşte bu İngiltere devleti, kendisinin bir uzantısı olan Amerikan devleti ve Almanya devletindeki bazı aile şirketlerini, şeytani tarikatları ve hükümet nezdindeki önemli kişileri kullanarak(ve ayrıca onları büyütüp, ünlü yapıp, sahneye çıkartıp ve sonrasındada besleyip), Devlet+Mafya-Tarikat-Gladyo sistemini İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesinde ve sırasında kurmaya çalışmak istemiştir ve başarılı olmuştur.
Nasıl başarılı olmuştur ve bu Devlet+Mafya-Tarikat-Gladyo sisteminin içinde kimler var?
Devlet: İngiltere-Amerika.
Devleti Yöneten Hanedan(İngiliz/Cermen Milletine Hizmet Ediyor): Windsor(İngiliz Cermen Kökenli) ve Rothschild(Hazar Türk Kökenli) sülalelerinin karışımı
Mafya: Rockefeller-Rothschild-JP Morgan gibi sülale şirketleri
Tarikat: İlluminati, Mason, Bilderberg gibi şeytani tarikatlar
Gladyo: İngilizlerin kontrolünde olan Faşist İktidarlar: İngiliz Ajanı Kukla Hitler ve Kukla Nazi Devleti/Hükümeti, ve İngiliz Ajanı Kukla Stalin ve Lenin'in Sovyetler Birliği'nin Yıkımını Amaçlayan Yeni Sovyet Devleti/Hükümeti.
Bu konu hakkında ayrıntılı bilgileri bu forumdaki başlıklarda bulabilirsiniz.

Nathan Rothschild Fransız Borçları Ödüyor

Mesajgönderen TurkmenCopur » 04 May 2011, 19:07


The French Government had to settle its wartime indemnities and for this, they needed to borrow money. By lending Louis XVIII the money it took to make a triumphant, but dignified return, Nathan Rothschild ensured a "place in the sun" for James. The sum of money was reputed to be 5 million francs.
True to the teachings of old Mayer Amschel, Nathan did nothing for nothing. His game plan for the loan was to oblige the king to open the doors for James to get into the high circles of society, at the head of which stood the Duc de Richelieu, Premiere of Paris.

At first, Richelieu resisted but he had not an inkling of how persistent Nathan could be. Much pressure was exerted upon him by the Marquis d'Osmond, the French Ambassador at London, and by the Austrian Ambassador Count Esterhazy, both of whom were heavily indebted to Nathan. Finally, although extremely irritated by such unseemly pressure, de Richelieu consented to receive James. It did not stop there.

Next, James got the chief of police Decazes in his pocket through providing him with "special information," which came to him from the von Thurn and Taxis family of Germany who held the mail contract. They simply opened mail of interest to the Rothschilds and then relayed the contents to James in Paris, Nathan in London or Mayer in Frankfurt. It is worth noting, that the von Turn and Taxis family is part of the Committee of 300. There was a double benefit in giving the information thus gained to Decazes instead of de Richelieu to whom it ought to have gone. In return, Decazes kept James informed of any pending anti-Jewish moves or political intrigues directed against his bank.

With his circle of important people growing wider, James decided that he needed a home more suited to his status, one where he might entertain in the lavish style that was expected of him. He found such a home in a mansion formerly possessed by Queen Hortense on the Rue La Fitte, which had previously belonged to a Paris banker named Laborde, who fell victim to the guillotine in 1794. Hortense, the daughter of Empress Josephine had become Queen of Holland after being married to Napoleon's brother, Louis.

It cost James a fortune to have the house remodeled and refurbished; some said the bills came to more than three million francs. When completed in 1834, it became the talk of the town. Heinrich Heine, the German-Jewish Communist philosopher, the Duc d'Orleans and Prince Leopold of Coburg were frequent guests at the glittering soirees given by James.

When Prince Metternich and his entourage, including the brilliant Prussian Friedrich von Gentz, who had the confidence of the great man, came to Paris, James gave a party that rivaled anything seen in Paris since the return of the king. Even the mighty Duke of Wellington dared not refuse an invitation from James when he visited Paris.

James patronized von Gentz and played on his weakness for women, lots of women, providing von Gentz with the money it took through "easy terms" as we say today. Von Gentz got all the women he could handle, plus many other luxuries he had not hitherto been able to afford. Thus did James come to "own" von Gentz.

James' palace became a magnet for all types of politicians, and particularly, those who were open Communists and Socialists. One such person was Ludwig Borne, a strong supporter of the notion that all the kings of Europe should be dethroned and replaced by James, with the exception of Louis Philippe who would be crowned in Paris, so that coronation ceremony would be conducted, not by the Pope, but by James Rothschild. (Notre Dame de la Bourse, January 22, 1832)

As previously mentioned, an individual who was patronized by James Rothschild was Heinrich Heine, the German poet who had deserted his homeland and settled in Paris, whether to be near Rothschild, or for political reasons, is not certain. Heine was an avowed Communist and was more than likely on the German police list of subversives and this may have been one reason why he took up residence in Paris. Rothschild helped Heine in innumerable ways, not the least being financial. Heine perceived James a revolutionary and praised him for being 'one of the first to perceive the worth of the Crimieux . . .' Herr von Rothschild alone discovered Emile Pereire, the Pontifex Maximus of railways. (Olivia Maria O'Grady)

Not exactly true as I found when I looked at the profit angle that brought James to invest in the new fad. Pereira was a young Sephardim Jew employed by James to do the day-today supervision of the construction work. Through it all, James and Nathan did not stray far from the tricks of the trade taught them by Mayer Amschel, that being never to lose sight of the goal that money was everything.

A particular deal, one of many that James and Nathan were offered, was that of official agents for making payments to Austrian troops stationed at Colmar in Alsace. The Rothschilds were awarded the contract by undercutting all competitors. The business was risky because it involved transport of coinage through bandit-infested areas, necessitating expensive insurance. Instead of transporting physical coinage, James arranged for Rothschild credits to be placed with local banks against which the soldiers were paid. Having eliminated the risk, James and Nathan were able to pocket substantial commissions. This became the basis of new business, the transfer of funds all around the Continent and to London now being done in this way, and the Rothschilds had the monopoly.

In order to give readers just a glimpse of the immense power wielded by James I relate the following affair, which became one of his causes celebre and showed how far his powerful arm could reach. A certain priest, a Father Thomas and his servant disappeared in Damascus in April 1840. Murder was suspected and the suspects, who just happened to be Jewish, were arrested, whereupon they confessed to the murder.

World Jewry immediately protested vehemently that the arrested Jews were innocent, and that their confessions had been made under torture. James and Salomon immediately brought their combined pressures to bear upon the monarch and Salomon induced Prince Mettemich of Austria to take action.

The Austrian Consul von Laurin protested to Mohammed Ali, reporting directly to James and Salomon actions taken. The French Consul at Damascus, however, being on the scene, took an altogether different view of the murder and the defendants the political scene being acute; Louis Philippe dared not risk unwarranted support of the Jews against the Christians. James' letter to Salomon is of considerable importance. It clearly reveals the behind-the-scenes methods employed by the

Rothschilds in pressuring governments and molding public opinion:

My efforts have unfortunately, not yet produced the desired results. The government is acting very slowly in this matter; in spite of the praiseworthy action of the Austrian Consul, because the matter is too remote so that the public interest has not been sufficiently aroused about it. All that I have so far succeeded in doing is, as stated in the Monitor today, to arrange that the Vice Consul at Alexandria should be instructed to investigate the conduct of the Consul at Damascus.

This is only a temporizing measure since the vice consul is under the Consul, so that he has no authority to call the latter to account for his actions. In such circumstances the only means left is the all-powerful method here of calling in the newspapers to our assistance and we have accordingly today had a detailed account based upon the reports of the Austrian Consul sent in to the Debates and other papers, and have also arranged that this account shall appear in similar detail in the Algemene Zeifung of Augsburg.

We would certainly have published Herr von Laurin 's letters to me on this matter, had we not felt that this could only have been done after previously obtaining the permission of his Highness Prince von Metternich.

For this reason, my dear brother, convinced as I am that you will gladly do your utmost in this just cause, I would beg you to request of the Prince in his kindness to authorize the publication of these letters. The gracious sentiments of human feeling, which the Prince has expressed with regard to this sad episode, cause us to confidently entertain the hope that this request will not be refused.

When you have received the desired permission, I beg you, my dear Salomon, not to immediately publish the letter in the Osterreicher Beobachter alone, but to also be so good as to send them immediately with a short covering letter to the Augsburger Zeitung, so that they may reach the public through that medium also. (The Untold History, Count Cherep-Spiridovich)

Some of the important statesmen the Rothschild had under their control began to worry about their power and influence.
One of these was Prince Metternich who was under the firm control of Salomon Rothschild and regarded by him as no more than a "valet" for the Rothschild family.

After bartering away a good deal of Austria's sovereignty, Metternich began to have serious doubts:

By reason of natural causes which I cannot regard as good or moral, the House of Rothschild is a much more important influence in French affairs than the foreign office of any country, except perhaps, England. The great motive force is their money. People who hope for philanthropy and who have to suppress all criticisms under the weight of gold, need a great deal of it. The fact of corruption is dealt with quite openly, that practical element, in the fullest sense of the word, in the modem representative system.

Too late did Metternich realize that by selling Austria he was playing right into the hands of the international revolutionaries, and when the revolutionary fires began to burn, despite his exalted rank, Prince Metternich had to flee Vienna on money borrowed from Salomon Rothschild.
It is doubted by historians, that Metternich ever had any conception of the revolutionary forces he had inadvertently helped to unleash. According to documents in the British Museum, world revolution began to go into high gear in 1848, beginning in Sicily in January of that year.

The great cities of Europe seemed to be stirred by waves of excitement. Disorder spread to Naples. In Paris the red flag was unfurled over the barricades. Socialist revolutionaries led the workmen and students into bloody revolt in February 22, 1848, and Guizot resigned. (Olivia Maria O'Grady)

It is stated that James Rothschild overrated King Louis Phillip, thinking him to be sympathetic to revolutionary ideas. According to Professor William Langer, Coolidge Professor of History at Harvard University . . . Republicans and other radicals had accepted Louis Philippe as a revolutionary monarch only to discover their mistake too late.

This is surprising, as James Rothschild was known to be a very astute judge of character and one who could read political scenes like a road map. It cannot be said with certainty, but Marshal Soult, a close friend of Nathan Rothschild, who formed a ministry with the Duke of Brioglie, Thiers and Guizot, the latter two men being of a notably conservative side of politics, may have had something to do with it.
In 1830 demands by workers stirred up by Marx and his Socialist International began in Italy and Poland, which were not met by their governments.

Radical agitation and violence continued in France during 1831:

In November 1831, a large scale insurrection of workers at Lyons was put down with difficulty. There followed a rapid spread of secret societies. Under the regime of press freedom the king was unsparingly attacked and in the radical newspapers mercilessly caricatured, notably by Honorare Daumire. In 1834 there were great revolts in Paris and Lyons, which were suppressed with great severity. In 1845, the radical Fieschi attempted to assassinate Louis Philippe, but the attempt did not succeed. Thereafter, in 1836, the king established a government run by his personal friend Colonel Louis Mole with the Right Center leadership Guizot; but he joined forces with the Left Center Party and overthrew Mole. (The Untold History, John Reeves)

To continue with The Untold History:

Revolutionary activities prior to 1848 had sent men like Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte into exile from the Continent. England had been their haven. In 1848 they had returned to the Continent to participate in the Revolutions. On February 24, 1848, the Charter and constitution and parliamentary rule seemed to come to an abrupt halt.

In all of Paris I did not see one member of the militia, one soldier, one gendarme, or one member of the police. Meanwhile sheer terror gripped all upper classes. I don't believe that any time during the Revolution (1789-94) it was quite so great. (Victor Hugo, Choses vues, page 268)

James stayed on for a few days and was observed by Feydeau, one of the members of the National Guard:

Around noon, I saw two gentlemen, arm in arm, calmly appear out of the Rue de la Paix and move toward the Tuileries. I recognized one of them a Baron de Rothschild. I quickly went up to him. 'Messeur le Baron,' I said 'you would seem not to have chosen a very good day for a walk. I think it would be better if you returned home rather than expose yourself to bullets whizzing in all directions.'

But the Baron assured him that he was safe and was needed at the Ministry of Finance. Louis Napoleon was to become, first, the President of France and then Emperor; Marx and Engels joined in founding the Communist League, and then, with the failure of the revolutions, they returned to England, while others, among them Joseph Wedermeyer emigrated to the United States... (Olivia Maria O'Grady)

After the Battle of Sedan and the capture of Napoleon III by the Prussians (September 1870), Paris, mistaking itself for being the heart, brains and other organs of the French nation, and the rest of France as backward, primitive, one might say almost barbaric appendage, underwent a series of revolutions (in the name of France) culminating in the Paris Commune of 1871, which served only to leave the nation prostrate before the enemy and expose it to his contempt.

Quoting from Professor Langer:

Between 1840-1847 Guizot became the commanding figure. Guizot became premiere in 1847 and remained in power until 1848 when he resigned. Street disorders led to the revolution of February.

Continuing the account of events in 1848, from papers and documents in the British Museum and from L'Alliance France-Allemande et Les Forces Titanique, The

Rothschilds by John Reeves and the accounts of Olivia Maria O'Grady:

In Paris the red flag was unfurled over the barricades. Marxist revolutionaries led the workmen and students into a bloody revolt on February 22, 1848 and Guizot resigned. The troops attacked the revolutionaries on the barricades; stirring the population into a frenzy of excitement. On the 24, the National Guard and line regiments went over to the rebels. The seventy four year old Louis Philippe fled the country.

Marx and Engels made ready to take personal charge of the revolution . . . Marx was entrusted with full revolutionary powers . . . Lamartine and Arago asked the Jewish banker, Michael Goudchaux to accept the revolutionary portfolio for finance. The banker accepted. Caussidere, the barricade prefect, asked James Rothschild for a loan for the purposes of paying his revolutionary aides. James happily complied. (Pages 218-219)

After describing how Marx and Engels took charge of the various revolutionary factions and organizing revolt in Germany, O'Grady wrote:

In the beginning of April, Marx and Engels left Paris for Germany where the flames of revolution had preceded them. The Holy Alliance had collapsed in the smoke and flame of Vienna and Prince Mettemich had fled the city on money borrowed from Solomon Rothschild. (Page 219)

James Rothschild gave Leder-Rollin seven hundred and fifty thousand francs in support of the 1848 revolution. It was said that he was compelled to do so under Rollin 's threat to burn the Palais Rothschild in the Rue Lafitte. In the three days of street fighting in June of 1848, Louis Eugene Cavalgnac emerged victorious; He immediately assumed dictatorial powers and was nominated president of the council of ministers by the National Assembly. By free use of large sums of money Rothschild ingratiated himself with the new power in France, and was as much at home with Cavalgnac as he had been with Louis Philippe. It was soon said that he was as good a Republican as he had been monarchist.

The French Workers Party claimed him as one of their own. The Editor of the radical Tocsin des Travailleurs wrote:

You are a wonder sir! In spite of his legal majority Louis Philippe has fallen, Guizot has disappeared, the constitutional monarchy and parliamentary methods have gone by the board; you, however, are unmoved. Where are Aragon and Lamaratine? They are finished but you have survived. The banking princes are going into liquidation and their offices are closed.

The great captains of industry and the railway companies' totter . . . you alone among those ruins remain unaffected. Although your House felt the first shock of violence in Paris, although the effects of the Revolution pursue you from Naples to Vienna to Berlin, you remain unmoved in the face of a movement that has affected the whole of Europe. Wealth fades away, glory is humbled, and dominion

is broken, but the Jew, the Monarch of our time held his throne.

The Paris Commune was the first Communist government in Europe. Of the Rothschilds, O'Grady writes:

Their fabulous command of unlimited supplies of money broke down all barriers for the Rothschilds. The dazzle of great wealth increased their social prestige everywhere. The powerful, the great kings, princes and premieres sought their favor.

They built palaces and entertained the 'right people' with a royal magnificence that shamed the state affairs of monarchs. The world was their feet, and the cause of Jewry in Europe was in the ascendancy. Just how fabulous was their fortune is going be demonstrated as we proceed.

Kitap: The Rothschild Dynasty
Yazar: John Coleman
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